аЯрЁБс>ўџ BDўџџџCџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџьЅС №П6(bjbjрр 16‚j‚j$џџџџџџlъъъъъъъўІІІ8о ъў™ж"444$o  T>ъ> ъъ44лS   ъ4ъ4  Ь нrШЄъъ4 рЎhылVХўЈІ%”li0™zžу ЙXу  ўўъъъъй АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ PUBLIC SYMPOSIUM – АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ after 10 years (GATT at 57): Global problems and multilateral solutions PARLIAMENTARY PANEL 22 April 2005, 10 a.m. – 12.30 p.m. Room CR 1, АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ The Future of the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ - The АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ at 10: The perceived loss of "sovereignty" due to АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ accords: should parliamentarians be concerned? Introductory statement by Mr. Enrique BARON CRESPO Chairman, Committee on International Trade, European Parliament Allow me to start by a mildly ironic remark related to the title of our panel. I strongly believe that parliamentarians should always be concerned. This is the very purpose of our mandate. As an elected representative, I will always consider that parliamentarians have too little power and too little information from the executive. That been said, I agree with the implicit assumption of the title of our panel: there is a perceived loss of sovereignty, not only by parliamentarians, but also by society at large. But what is sovereignty? It as always has been, as the concept of "power", a relative concept. International actors don't operate in a vacuum. They relate to each other and the mere existence of other players limits their room for manoeuvre. The entire system of international relations, with all the codification of practices, is recognition of this simple fact: other actors exist and they have an influence on our behaviour. Their existence in itself is a limitation to our sovereignty. In this context, international commitments - when they are taken seriously - are always a limitation of sovereignty. But these limitations are linked to a reciprocal limitation by partners. When international players agree on such limitations they must have a mutual interest in doing so, they must have something to gain. The European Union is a good example of the latter. If 25 states, among them some of the oldest ones in history, agree to share and exercise together, part of their sovereignty, they must, and they have, something to gain from such a move. This is not always easy to explain to our public opinions or to organised interests. The АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ is one of the most recent international organisations [cf. International Criminal Court] and its membership has rapidly expanded. Unlike other international organisations, the commitments made in its framework are subject to enforcement measures, through the dispute settlement mechanism. For an international actor, this is, in fact, a limitation of its sovereignty, but clearly one he accepts voluntarily. On top of that, I believe АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ operates in a context marked by a connected and mutually-reinforcing threefold challenge. The context helps explaining the perceived loss of sovereignty: Globalisation calls for the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ and our own trade policies to govern a much wider range of external economic activities than traditional trade in goods. Today, trade policy has moved from the old classical trade in goods to include services, the commercial aspects of intellectual property, foreign direct investment, the achievement of uniformity in measures of liberalisation, export policy and measures to protect trade. Trade policy and АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ are therefore perceived to have an increasing impact on the daily lives of the world population. Trade, in its multiple dimensions, is seen as a crucial element for the world's prosperity, competitiveness and economic welfare, as well as for the construction of a more just and safer world. This expanded commercial policy leads us to the second challenge: The challenge of global discontent: from Seattle, precisely because trade policy has reached out and expanded, a large number of civil society organisations call for an international trade system that pays more attention to poverty reduction, promotion of labour standards, public health, education, and environmental protection. These two global challenges are compounded by the overall complementary task of creating a global legitimate and well-functioning institutional architecture. I believe that these are the three main challenges defining the context in which АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ operates and their combined effect has resulted in a wide spread consensus about the need to improve the transparency and democratic accountability of the organisation and trade policy at large. It goes without saying that we, parliamentarians, should be concerned by them. When it comes to Parliaments, their role in international negotiations has traditionally been limited. The origins of parliamentary powers lie in the budgetary power ("no taxation without representation"). When international relations did not involve relevant expenditure, Parliaments were not involved. Even nowadays, the powers of Parliaments in this area are limited. In the best of cases, to a consultation on the negotiating mandate, the control (to the extent possible) of the executive handling of the negotiation and, at the end of the process, their involvement in the ratification procedure, basically a "yes" or a "no". But, as the world gets smaller due to the technological [revolution?], the interaction between domestic policies and international relations and commitments increases. On the one hand, international commitments force the actors to modify their domestic policies. The reform of the Common Agricultural Policy of the EU is a good example. On the other hand, domestic policy changes have an impact on international relations. Just to give another example: when the EU considers draft legislation to make the production of chemicals more stringent on environmental grounds (REACH), it affects not only EU producers, but also exporters of chemical products to the EU. To a large extent, this evolution is part of the image problem of the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ. International trade is related to most economic activities and economic activities have a huge impact in the everyday life of human beings (income, working conditions, consumption including of health-related products, etc.). As a consequence, the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ is perceived as a kind of "universal" organisation, an organisation responsible for almost everything. This is, of course, not true [through] and this should be explained. To a certain extent, the same problem is faced by the international financial institutions: the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Other parts of the multilateral system should play a more active and visible role. The entire United Nations family of organisations, particularly the ILO (work) and the WHO (health) but also the funds and programmes related to the environment and natural resources should get more public exposure. Who controls the international organisations? The classical answer is "their members". As they are intergovernmental organisations, the governments of their member states. This control, which is neither immediate "nor direct" in the double meaning of "without filters" in and in terms of speed, is considered, by public opinion as insufficient, in a world in which the information "travels" extremely fast. This is the main reason for the development of an increasing number of NGOs and, in parallel the development of new mass media. I am not convinced that this is sufficient in terms of legitimacy. When the European States started to pool parts of their sovereignty half a century ago, their national parliaments were involved. The increase in the parliamentary dimension of the EU has followed closely the evolution and further integration of the member states. I am strongly convinced of the need to follow a similar path at the international level, particularly in the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ. Of course, the level of world integration reflected in the multilateral organisations is very far from the one achieved in the EU. Nevertheless, democratically elected parliaments have a role to play. The purpose is not to substitute for negotiators. It is to ensure a better and more immediate parliamentary scrutiny of their activity on behalf of the citizens we represent. The need for parliamentarians' involvement is not just a question of mere democratic scrutiny and legitimacy. There is also, I think, a practical reason: Parliaments, because of their very nature, are indeed the ideal forum to consider trade in the broader picture, addressing the connections between trade, social rights, development and the environment. АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ cannot and, probably should not, stretch itself to deal with issues that go well beyond its purpose and mandate. Parliaments and parliamentarians, however, are better placed to assess and promote the connections between all those policies and among international organisations themselves. Because let us all be clear: the success of globalisation will be judged on the basis of political progress in all these areas and not just on the concrete economic success of pure liberalisation. And I hope negotiators do not see parliamentary involvement as merely a constraint or an obligation they have to fulfil. By conveying our voters' concerns and questions during the course of the negotiations, parliamentarians can help to ensure that the agreements which emerge are not just technically sound but acceptable to the wider society. In this way, Parliaments can make their contribution to a more legitimate and transparent АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ. 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