аЯрЁБс>ўџ =?ўџџџ>џџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџьЅС №П№bjbjрр 1&‚j‚jоџџџџџџlъъъъъъъўДДД8ь јў7"ж......Ж!И!И!И!И!И!И!$ $ -&Рм!ъ.....м!ъъ..ё!.^ъ.ъ.Ж!.Ж!†Є тvєъъЖ!.  BХЦлVХўЖДŒ^j Ж!"07"€ 6э&ъ4э&Ж!ўўъъъъйАФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ PUBLIC SYMPOSIUM – АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ after 10 years (GATT at 57): Global problems and multilateral solutions PARLIAMENTARY PANEL 22 April 2005, 10 a.m. – 12.30 p.m. Room CR 1, АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ The Future of the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ - The АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ at 10: The perceived loss of "sovereignty" due to АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ accords: should parliamentarians be concerned? Statement by H.E. Mohammad Khose Chehreh, M.P. Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran The perceived loss of sovereignty on any ground may arise from national concerns about circumstances prompting a State Government to undergo compulsory measures to dilute its national interests and goals in favour of gaining recognition in certain domains beyond its national borders and amongst certain circles. National interests could generally be divided into specific categories such as economic welfare, preservation and dissemination of proper values, etc. However, the overarching objective remains nothing short of maintaining sovereignty. Nevertheless, revisiting the national security goals and the corresponding priorities in response to volatile global and regional circumstances is a widely adopted and practiced approach. Therefore, sovereignty, its strengthening and preservation remain as the main pillar of the national security objectives. Adoption of any changes resulting from compliance with commitments under certain bilateral and multilateral agreements necessitates proper recognition of such arrangements as well as identification of proper modalities to match or modify national interests in line with pertinent commitments. In the context of commitments under the World Trade Organization Agreements, and adoption of the broader concept of assuming an outward-looking strategy at the cost of the much cherished nationalistic slogans of self reliance and self sufficiency we need to deepen our analytical capacity of their implications on the national interests their implicit goals and in particular the State's sovereign rules. National strategies based on export led growth as well as specific measures to carry out such strategies should be regarded and appraised in such context. Globalisation of the world economy provides such imperatives for national governments to carefully address national security issues in its proper context so that the hypothetical negative effects resulting there from could be minimized. Meanwhile, discriminatory and unilateral practices and sanctions of certain powerful economies in the area of international trade are realized to be as threats to national sovereignty of the countries. Those measures do not need АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ to be imposed and the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ may not be in a position all the time to avert them. We have heard stories about multinationals or international investors to have tried in the past to undermine governments and their sovereign rules in various parts of the world. Sovereignties are violated wherever and whenever there has been absence of law. But when we talk of sovereignty loss under the umbrella of the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ we speak about a rule based circumstance where countries, or at least some, more than others feel, under multilateral obligations their freedom to pursue is threatened: freedom to preserve national cultural values, so on. There have been concerns as expressed by the distinguished speakers in various meetings during the Symposium that the imperatives to liberalise in a backdrop that many countries suffer from imbalances and unjust practices in international trade may ever more harm them. АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ is the bulwark of free trade and the imperatives may mostly arise from adherence to its rules and judgements. Unemployment as a result of market opening measures and social tensions arise them from, is a potential threat to legal and political sovereignty of governments and ties the hands of parliaments in adopting and invoking laws that would become vital for socio-economic stability of the country. Religious tenets provide social and cultural imperatives that may go beyond trade and related obligations. I believe that the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ under certain articles and agreements provides leeway for its members to safeguard national interests and moral values upon which the sovereign rule is laid. Security exceptions under Article 21, waivers under balance of payments under Article 12 and the agreement of safeguards are amongst few provisions that allow the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ members to make reference to and to protect their sovereign rights. Trade liberalization policies and the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ rules are sometimes used as pretexts and tools to create crises in economies of certain countries. Financial crises in Latin America and Asia leading to collapse of several governments are the results of interference in sovereignties of the developing countries. We need to prevent such instances through appropriate measures. Although, it is proved that resorting to such provisions have become trickier throughout trade negotiations. It is again the tough stance of the more powerful trading partners during the processes of negotiations that may affect sovereignty of weaker member States particularly LDCs. Sovereignty of each country has to be respected and to be given prominence to assure peace and prosperity. Above all, trade is not compatible with imposition of force and weakening of sovereignty. Trade for tension is not what we look after. -  PAGE 2 - ceyЋЌ­Х25BŠорсчшщъья№іячпкчдчкчкЪічкЧРЧРИРЧк0JmHnHu j0JU0J5CJ\mH sH  5mH sH mH sH 6]mH sH 5\mH sH  CJmH sH 5CJ\mH sH cdeyЌ­2345BdŠ‹ŒЧШst  Ќ ­ 7 8 vњјјњњњјњјјјњњњњњњјјјјјјјјјјј$a$ояўўvw™šЏАRSЧШлмноэюя№§§§§§§§§§§§§§ј§§§$a$/ 0&P 19Аƒ. 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