ࡱ> hjg@ 7bjbjFF "B,,/  8& 2 TZZZZZmmm|T~T~T~T~T~T~T$UREXdT imT ZZT000* Z Z|T0|T00jM0 0TZN WHVF/S2hTT0TS2X0Xd0T X 0T8mh0gT8mmmTT $0  Jos Manuel Barroso President of the European Commission Growing pains and trading gains: the ϲʹ after 10 years ϲʹ Public Symposium ϲʹ After 10 Years: Global problems and multilateral solutions Geneva, 20 April 2005 Thank you for giving me the honour, along with President Kagame, of opening this 10th anniversary ϲʹ Symposium. Sometimes, Ive heard critics say that the ϲʹ is just old man GATT dressed up in new clothes, trying to look youthful and connected to todays world. Frankly my own children seem to delight in saying the same thing to me. But I prefer to see the ϲʹ as a gifted 10-year-old. I think I may be permitted a paternal attitude towards the ϲʹ because I was present at its birth. I even signed the birth certificate, the Treaty which launched the ϲʹ in Marrakesh. the It has achieved a lot in its short life, but is still young. It is confronted with several challenges like public ignorance, and difficulties in reaching consensus among a large and diverse membership. Like all good parents, it is our responsibility as ϲʹ Members to defend it and to help it fulfil its potential. And it certainly has great potential. When we look at its budget, its inheritance is small. But its family history is rich with success. Since 1947, average industrial tariffs in developed countries have fallen from 40 per cent to less than 4 per cent, thanks to the GATT. Total trade in 2000 was 22 times higher than in 1950. The ϲʹ has been quick to build on its heritage. There have been a series of successful enlargements as both big trade partners and smaller, least developed countries joined the club. It has also shown its ability to deliver real improvements to peoples lives. We must not lose sight of this. The EU was founded out of the ashes of the Second World War by a shared vision that increased understanding and cooperation, underpinned by trade, was the most effective guarantee of security and prosperity. That vision remains true today. Trade has brought not only prosperity to the EU, but also stability, security and a wider understanding both within and beyond its borders. Trade matters to the EU; that is why the trade portfolio in the Commission has been held by such talented people as Pascal Lamy and now Peter Mandelson. More widely, the ϲʹ has been one of the best ambassadors of effective multilateralism, which lies at the heart of the European Unions own vision for international action. Multilateralism is the most effective and the most legitimate means to address the global challenges we all face. Effective, because of its global reach. Legitimate, because it gives big and small, rich and poor a voice in the way our world is organised. The ϲʹ is in some ways the most advanced multilateral institution in the international system. Nothing illustrates this better than the dispute settlement mechanism. This unique tool gives teeth to a rules-based system, allowing disputes to be handled constructively. It has delivered a high percentage of satisfactory solutions, despite some problems with implementation. We have seen a high participation rate from developing countries, confirming that the multilateral approach protects all members, not just the large and strong. The alternative is unilateralism and the law of the jungle. The ϲʹ has also proved able to adapt to dramatic evolutions in the trading community. When we look at the organisation today, it has clearly gone a long way in its approach to trade policy and in addressing the challenges imposed by globalisation. First, it is now fully accepted that trade and development go hand in hand. Development can be furthered through a trade round. The EU was at the forefront of those who fought very hard to ensure that the DDA was not just a conventional trade negotiation, where everyone tries to get the most for themselves while giving away as little as possible. Why was this? Because trade is not an end in itself. It is an essential means to deliver a better life for billions of people. A life which should involve schooling when you are young, access to health services, clean water. Europe's 450 million citizens take this for granted. But there are millions who cannot. That is why the UN's review of the Millennium Development Goals this year is so important. The European Commission agreed last week a contribution to that review. We propose increased development investment, better managed, with greater coherence in the EU's policies, including on trade. The EU should be a leader on development issues, working in partnership with the African Union and its members. The EU has acted already by agreeing duty and quota free access to its market for many products from the world's poorest 49 countries; by being Africa's biggest export market; by being the biggest provider of trade facilitation assistance. But we must, and I hope will, do more. I hope that other major ϲʹ Members will take similar initiatives. As far as Im concerned, this Round will not have succeeded and will not be seen to have succeeded, if it does not manage to integrate developing countries better into the world economy. I look forward to hearing the developing country perspective on this from President Kagame in a moment. The launch of the DDA was no easy undertaking. The Cancun Ministerial also showed that the path to trade liberalisation is sometimes less than smooth. But the ϲʹ bounced back to prove the doom and gloom merchants wrong: Cancun did not lead to the collapse of the multilateral trading system, and we have managed to put the DDA back on track. In fact, the Cancun Ministerial coincided with the second important evolution we have witnessed in the international trade setting over the last few years: the emergence of important new negotiating coalitions and alliances among developing countries, such as the G20 and G90. As a grouping of 25 countries itself, the EU welcomes the establishment of these and other coalitions. They help ensure that the interests of developing countries, which form the majority of the membership, are better reflected within the organisation and its work. The effective operation of coalitions is also likely to be essential for the future rationalisation of decision-making processes in the ϲʹ. But I will not hide that the EU is concerned about the pace of the DDA negotiations, particularly those in crucial areas like services and industrial tariffs. We have set ourselves ambitious goals, and the Hong Kong Ministerial, which should pave the way for a final deal, is just around the corner. We cannot afford to be complacent. It is vital that we make a success of Hong Kong and conclude the DDA as soon as possible thereafter if we are to meet our citizens expectations for sustainable economic growth, jobs and prosperity. Hong Kong cannot be another missed opportunity. However, I am confident that all Members do want to move this Round forward, even if they do not always agree on all issues. (And what sort of negotiations would they be if Members did agree on all issues?) They want to move things forward for very good reasons. The DDA promises not just further liberalisation, but a real focus on development and capacity building. We must continue to set ourselves ambitious targets. It is important that we move forward on the Doha Development Agenda in a balanced way, across the board. The negotiations must move forward in parallel on agriculture, non-agricultural market access, services, trade facilitation and rules. Last July the EU took a lead in the agriculture negotiation by undertaking to eliminate export subsidies by a fixed date, providing others do likewise. We stand by this commitment. But agriculture is only part of the agenda. Others, in particular the developing countries of the G20, need to match our ambition by putting forward equally ambitious offers for industrial and services market access. We all have to give in order also to take. Jai dit pour commencer que lOMC tait confronte plusieurs problmes. Lun dentre eux, auquel nous devons nous attaquer, est la perception errone quen a le public. LOMC est souvent dpeinte comme anti-dmocratique, une machine dtruire lemploi, manipule par les grandes socits, foulant aux pieds la sant, lenvironnement et les normes lmentaires du travail et mprisant les pays en dveloppement. Nous savons bien entendu que ceci est grotesque, mais faisons-nous vraiment tout ce qui est possible pour expliquer nos concitoyens quelle est la valeur relle du travail de cette organisation, pour leur dire clairement ce quelle peut et ne peut pas faire? Les membres de lOMC doivent dfendre lorganisation quils ont cre. Il faut affiner et dvelopper notre dialogue avec la socit civile et la structure interparlementaire et ouvrir plus largement les portes de lOMC en renforant la transparence et le flux dinformations vers le public. Naturellement, nous devons respecter ce faisant les rgles des ngociations, mais le trs bon site web de lorganisation est l pour montrer ce que peuvent accomplir un peu de flair et dimagination. Il convient en outre dinsister davantage sur la cohrence. Faisons-nous le maximum pour tre certains que lexcellent travail ralis lOMC soit entirement cohrent avec celui des autres organisations internationales, voire le complte? Parce quelle gnre des rgles internationales, il incombe lOMC de tenir compte des rgles convenues dans ces autres instances. Peut-tre mme pourrait-elle mettre profit sa rputation dinstitution multilatrale performante et assumer un rle moteur, contribuant activement llaboration dun droit international cohrent. Un autre dfi consiste veiller ce que le systme de rglement des diffrends, le dispositif phare de lOMC, ne soit pas victime de son succs. Sagissant dun outil unique pour rgler les litiges internationaux la fois efficacement et promptement, la tentation est grande dy recourir toujours plus frquemment, mme sur des questions qui ne se rapportent pas exclusivement au commerce comme la sant et lenvironnement. Une organisation relativement petite et dote de ressources limite se trouve ainsi pousse aux limites de sa capacit. Dernier point, mais non le moindre, nous devons faire en sorte que l'OMC demeure une organisation efficace, mme d'obtenir des rsultats satisfaisant tous les membres, tout en restant l'coute des attentes des citoyens dans le monde. Dans ce contexte, je salue le rapport de l'minent groupe prsid par Peter Sutherland, qui mrite une attention particulire. En 1748, Montesquieu, juriste et crivain clair, publiait son chef-d'uvre, De LEsprit des Lois. La plupart d'entre nous se souviennent de cet ouvrage pour son clbre appel la sparation des pouvoirs entre les diffrentes branches de l'tat, mais Montesquieu y a galement consign des rflexions intressantes sur le commerce: Le commerce gurit des prjugs destructeursL'effet naturel du commerce est de porter la paix. Deux nations qui ngocient ensemble se rendent rciproquement dpendantes: si l'une a intrt d'acheter, l'autre a intrt de vendre; et toutes les unions sont fondes sur des besoins mutuels. Les enjeux sont donc considrables et les gains possibles vont bien au-del des gains purement financiers. Il y a beaucoup gagner. Les ralisations de l'OMC sont dj nombreuses pour un organisme aussi jeune. Les difficults auxquelles elle est confronte peuvent tre surmontes si nous, ses gardiens, avons la volont d'y parvenir. Si nous russissons conclure rapidement et avec succs les ngociations relatives au programme de Doha pour le dveloppement et procder aux rformes internes qui s'imposent, nous aurons grandement contribu donner ce jeune organisme de dix ans le meilleur dpart possible dans la vie. Nous pourrions mme alors esprer laisser derrire nous cette priode difficile de l'adolescence. Je vous remercie de votre attention. 9:<t))++ . .0010112244c5d5667777hUhUhCJOJQJ^J#hUhU5CJOJQJ^JaJhUCJOJQJ^JhUhUCJOJQJ^J:;<]tuvwZ [ : ; k l $a$gdU$a$gdU$a$gdUgdU77 mnPQ{| ""^$_$$a$gdU_$9&:&>'?'))++ . .0010112244c5d5667777$a$gdU . 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