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To what extent have АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ rules hindered poor countries' efforts to implement developmental policies and strategies? Has the multilateral trading system contributed to social and human advancement? Three speakers made presentations to attempt those questions and H.E. Mr Charles Kashasha Mutalemwa, ambassador of United Republic of Tanzania in Geneva moderated the discussions. While trade may play a positive role in fostering economic growth, employment and thus poverty alleviation, experience from the past 10 years show that there are growing asymmetries in the obligations and rights of АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ member countries. In fact, as Dr Nagesh Kumar, Director General of Research and Information System (RIS-India) explained, obligations contracted during the Uruguay Round have considerably restricted developing countries' to implement development policies. Substantial commitments in trade liberalisation (binding and reduction of tariffs) and the subscription to rules contained in АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ agreements such as the Agreement on Trade-Related Investment Measures (TRIMs), the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs), and the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) have played a role in limiting developing countries' ability to shape their developmental strategies. In return, the promises made by developed countries were not fulfilled. Improvements in market access conditions for developing countries remain elusive. Agricultural goods and textiles and clothing remain indeed highly protected. Quotas, non-tariff barriers (NTBs) and contingent protection, such as anti-dumping, are still abusively applied against developing country products. The subsidisation of agricultural products by rich countries contributes to the secular decline of long term prices of primary commodities. Moreover, despite the pro-development language contained in the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ 2001 Ministerial Declaration, chances of effectively correcting those and other imbalances during the on-going Doha Round of negotiations have become meagre. In fact, issues of interest to developing countries such as movement of natural persons, Special and Differential Treatment, transfer of technology and the protection of traditional knowledge remain highly marginalised in the negotiating agenda. As a matter of fact, developing countries have been unable to influence the negotiating agenda and to effectively include their concerns among the negotiating priorities. The power imbalance that reigns in world trade is also replicated in АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ decision-making. Developing country proposals are repeatedly ignored; countries are under strong informal pressure and seldom are developmental concerns heard. One example of the asymmetries that characterise decision-making in the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ is the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ 2003 Ministerial Conference in Cancun. During the conference, draft ministerial texts were heavily influenced by previous submissions by the Quad countries and many widely supported positions of developing countries, such as their opposition to negotiations on the Singapore issues, were consistently ignored. Such asymmetry explain common feeling of unfairness among developing countries and is a major reason for the eventual collapse of the Cancun Ministerial Conference. The fact that current multilateral trade rules and trade liberalisation under the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ has often been detrimental for development is confirmed by the recent experience of many developing countries. During the panel discussion, Naty Bernardino of International Gender and Trade Network (IGTN-Asia) illustrated the point with facts concerning the agriculture and fisheries sectors in the Philippines. Following trade liberalisation after conclusion of the Uruguay Round, tariffs were reduced to very low levels leading to losses of revenue that contributed to the Philippines' fiscal crisis. Lower levels of tariff protection also led to increasing trade deficits in agriculture, a sector that employs 50% of the country's labour force. For instance, the country's dependency ratio on imported rice, its staple food, rose from 3% in the 1980s to 12% in 2003. In the fisheries sector, the experience is more nuanced owing to domestic regulations that have cushioned the impact of liberalisation. However, the ability of the government to maintain some protection for that sector is seriously put in jeopardy by the on-going АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ negotiations on NAMA and Fisheries Subsidies. The emerging picture is that the benefits of trade have been exaggerated leading to an over-emphasis on trade liberalisation and export-oriented policies in many developing countries, having little regard for the impacts of such policies on gender, environment, employment and ultimately human development. Mr David Luke, Senior Trade Advisor of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP-Geneva) recalled that while broadly based economic growth is necessary for human development, it is not sufficient. Trade and growth should be seen as developmental tools, not as an end in themselves. The case of many developing countries demonstrates, on the contrary, that trade liberalisation is not a prerequisite for economic growth. In many cases of recent industrialisation, there has been a rather gradual approach to economic reform, with the maintenance of significant state trading and import monopolies, quantitative restrictions and tariff protection. With the help of these policies, Viet Nam, which is not a АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ member, has achieved growth, expanded trade, attracted investment and sharply reduced poverty. India and China, other two successful developing countries, also apply considerable trade restrictions. There is also evidence in the economic literature that shows that countries dismantle trade barriers as they get richer. There is also evidence that integration into the world economy is a result of growth and development, and not a prerequisite. For instance, the Asian Tigers only liberalised their trade once high growth was established in the 1980s. On the contrary, "open" least developed countries have not experienced sustained growth. The consequence of the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ one-size-fits-all rules is that there will ultimately be ever less policy space and encouragement for institutional innovations that promote human development. Growth can be jobless, rather than job creating; ruthless, rather than poverty reducing; voiceless rather than participatory; rootless, rather than culturally enshrined; and futureless, rather than environmentally friendly. Such a narrow concept of economic growth should be rejected since it is not conductive to poverty alleviation and human development. Many questions and comments were received after the presentations, most of them converging towards the need to go back to the basics of human development and place gender, environment, social and human development at the centre of the multilateral trading system. The АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ must broaden its mandate beyond tariffs reductions. A new model of trade must promote food security and employment and an assessment should be done every day, not at every ten-year anniversaries. Finally, there is a need to involve other multilateral agencies in that effort; particularly the World Bank and IMF, to ensure that gains in one forum are not offset by losses in another. While concluding, Rashid S. Kaukab, Coordinator of the Trade and Development Programme of the South Centre (TADP) recalled three main points that had emerged from the discussions. Firstly, trade and trade negotiations cannot and should not be treated in isolation from other issues and outside the broader development context. Secondly, there is a need to consider trade liberalisation as part of a comprehensive framework that should aim to deliver equitably shared development. Finally, there is a need to correct the power imbalances that exist in trade relations so that all developing countries are effectively involved in decision-making processes. Civil society and the media can play a critical role in this respect. 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