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Clearly, SND is a critical component of what we in our Coalition mean when we ask for “fair and equitable rules under the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ”. First of all, it is important to recall that the primary objective of special and differential treatment is to “level the uneven playing field” in view of the huge gaps in levels of development between developed and developing countries. In many parts of the developing world, farmers have no or limited access to the roads, irrigation facilities, communication systems, and other basic infrastructure and services that farmers in developed countries often take for granted. As a result, their yields are lower, the costs of production and marketing are often higher, and they remain poor. If these farmers are simply thrown into the arena of global trade, they will surely be devoured by the more advanced producers in the developed world. Not only will they be unable to export their products at competitive rates, but their own local markets will be flooded by cheaper goods that will drive farm prices down and make them even poorer and more desperate. Special and differential treatment anticipates this situation and provides developing countries who have lagged behind in development extra time and leeway to catch up with their developed counterparts, so that they can undertake the necessary investments and reforms that will eventually make their farmers more competitive in the global market. In this regard, tariff reduction and market access reform modalities are particularly important because developing countries typically have very limited resources with which to provide support to their large masses of small producers. In most instances, tariffs constitute the only realistic and effective tool they have to protect their farmers during the transition and adjustment process. Whatever tariff reduction modality is used therefore, developing countries are justified in continuing to ask for smaller tariff cuts over longer periods in the Doha development round, particularly because the Uruguay Round rules obviously have not been able to “level the playing field”. What is important is that developing countries retain the time and flexibility to address their peculiar constraints and priorities, and that they are given an even chance of succeeding in their effort. This can be complemented by more liberal rules with respect to domestic support measures and export subsidies, although realistically speaking, most developing countries cannot afford to provide such subsidies due to lack of resources. Aside from bridging gaps in levels of development among countries, special and differential treatment seeks to enable developing countries to address specific concerns and priorities such as food security, poverty reduction, rural employment, and other objectives critical to their economic advancement. This is particularly important to developing countries because as much as 75% of their population and labor force is typically dependent on agriculture both for their livelihood and consumption. Hence, economic, social and political stability and growth will invariably be contingent on how governments are able to reverse long years of neglect and make their agricultural sectors competitive even as they as start opening up their markets to global competition. In this regard, developing countries will need access to special safeguards and contingency measures that will address emergencies, erratic price movements, imports surges, and other crises which may have devastating effects on their constituents. Critical and sensitive agricultural sectors, particularly those producing key staples or which involve large masses of producers, will also require special treatment, such as through the proposed special products box and related disciplines. Even as developing countries are given extra time and leeway to address their developmental concerns, they should also ensure that special and differential treatment is not used as a pretext to delay much needed reforms within their own economies. It is to the interest of developing countries to eventually transform their farmers into efficient producers who are competitive in the global market. Hence, SND should be time-bound, and must be formulated in such a way that farmers are gradually weaned away from excessive protection and dependence on governments. Reform however must take place not only in developing countries, but more so, in the developed world, if special and differential treatment is to have its intended effect. We must make sure that any gains we generate from SND provisions are not nullified or offset by continued market distortions and unfair trading practices, most of them emanating from developed countries. The Doha Development Round must not only attempt to level the playing field, but also make sure that all АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ members compete fairly and honestly against each other. In this regard, development countries must not fall into the trap of accepting SND as a quid-pro-quo or payment for the continued and flagrant use of such subsidies by developed countries. A slower pace of tariff reduction will not be able to shield developing country farmers from the distortive and destabilizing effect of subsidized products, whether in internal and outside markets, if new disciplines allow developed countries to legally maintain huge outlays, and even increase allotments, for domestic supports and export subsidies. Hence, the proposals to expand the coverage of the blue box, allow the retention of large amber box measures, exclude caps on potentially distortive direct payments under the green box, and maintain high levels of export subsidization, will simply foment the already huge advantage of farmers in developed countries, given that they are already so far ahead, against their counterparts in developing countries. The uneven playing field will just become even more uneven, and developing countries will not be able to reap the promised benefits from liberalized global trade. This of course is not to totally deny the right and prerogative of developed countries to protect and promote their own agriculture which is as important to them perhaps, even if for different reasons, as they are to developing countries. However, there is simply no reason for them to protect and preserve their agriculture at the expense of other farmers, specially the large masses of small poor farmers in developing countries. Why should farmers in developing countries, hard up as they are because of the lack of roads, irrigation, and other basic infrastructure and services, continue to bear the burden of subsidized exports and other market distortions just so that farmers in developed nations can take vacations in foreign countries during winter, or their citizens can enjoy beautiful rural landscapes in summer? Clearly therefore, special and differential treatment in developing countries must be pursued simultaneous with, and as a necessary complement of, the removal of distortive market support measures in developed countries. Only then can the Doha Development Round truly work for developing countries and the global marketplace as a whole, and only then can we have truly fair and equitable rules in the АФУХСљКЯВЪЙйЭјзЪСЯ. Thank you. py z С ц  i Й Ъ е х ю   > H W Д + 0 У S^fp™‚ДЬ"$€ŽžНл `t|‰џ§ўџEДРЯєј$DPq€Щ@Vc‘3юяёЃЇЭеъ*ќјєјєјєјєјєјєјєј№јьшь№ь№ь№ьфьфьшршмрмќмрмрмрмш№р№р№р№и№идидидидидадаЬ№ШЬШЬШЬШh˜ -h.…hІ thJUhŒ?‡hgOЙhO[&hлйhЖhmo‰hр~сh;u4h>Јhp!Mopx y ; < #$џя№()Ј Љ х#ц#~%%‹%§§є§§§§§ы§§§т§§§§§§§§§§§§„а`„аgdІ t„а`„аgdлй„а`„аgdp!‹%§*йAHTpЄ4˜Ÿf‘œЄІ­џАБ # ( Ј Њ Ѓ!\"ѓ"ў"%#B#ф#х#Х$}%~%‹%ќјєјєќєќ№ь№єјє№є№є№є№є№є№ь№шфрмьмьмш№ш№ьhp!hœz$h#`h0•h&>рhVСhљM h˜ -hwJH( 1hА‚. 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